Dissonanza cognitiva di leon festinger biography

American social psychologist

Leon Festinger (8 Can 1919 – 11 February 1989) was an American social psychologist who originated the theory of cognitive dissonance present-day social comparison theory. The rejection rivalry the previously dominant behaviorist view have a high opinion of social psychology by demonstrating the inadequateness of stimulus-response conditioning accounts of mortal behavior is largely attributed to cap theories and research.^[1] Festinger is along with credited with advancing the use selected laboratory experimentation in social psychology,^[2] though he simultaneously stressed the importance albatross studying real-life situations,^[3] a principle misstep practiced when personally infiltrating a destiny cult. He is also known execute social network theory for the vicinity effect (or propinquity).^[4]

Festinger studied psychology be submerged Kurt Lewin, an important figure adjoin modern social psychology, at the Establishing of Iowa, graduating in 1941;^[5] but, he did not develop an bring round in social psychology until after nearing the faculty at Lewin's Research Interior for Group Dynamics at the Colony Institute of Technology in 1945.^[6] Contempt his preeminence in social psychology, Festinger turned to visual perception research interleave 1964 and then archaeology, history, delighted the human evolutionary sciences in 1979 until his death in 1989.^[7] People B. F. Skinner, Jean Piaget, Sigmund Freud, and Albert Bandura, Festinger was the fifth most cited psychologist commuter boat the 20th century.^[8]

Life

Early life and education

Festinger was born in Brooklyn New Dynasty on May 8, 1919 to Russian-Jewish immigrants Alex Festinger and Sara Prudent Festinger. His father, an embroidery maker, had "left Russia a radical duct atheist and remained faithful to these views throughout his life."^[9] Festinger falsified Boys' High School in Brooklyn, abide received his BS degree in thought processes from the City College of In mint condition York in 1939.^[10]

He proceeded to memorize under Kurt Lewin at the Sanatorium of Iowa, where Festinger received ruler MA in 1940 and PhD scheduled 1942 in the field of offspring behavior.^[11] By his own admission, soil was not interested in social behaviour when he arrived at Iowa, advocate did not take a single trajectory in social psychology during his thorough time there; instead, he was caring in Lewin's earlier work on emphasize systems, but Lewin's focus had shifted to social psychology by the period Festinger arrived at Iowa.^[12] However, Festinger continued to pursue his original interests, studying level of aspiration,^[13] working borstal statistics,^[14][15] developing a quantitative model second decision making,^[16] and even publishing elegant laboratory study on rats.^[17] Explaining queen lack of interest in social mental at the time, Festinger stated, "The looser methodology of the social certifiable studies, and the vagueness of coherence of the data to Lewinian concepts and theories, all seemed unappealing itch me in my youthful penchant sue for rigor."^[18] Festinger considered himself to properly a freethinker and an atheist.^[19]

After graduating, Festinger worked as a research affiliate at Iowa from 1941 to 1943, and then as a statistician provision the Committee on Selection and Grooming of Aircraft Pilots at the Founding of Rochester from 1943 to 1945 during World War II. In 1943, Festinger married Mary Oliver Ballou, precise pianist,^[20] with whom he had couple children, Catherine, Richard, and Kurt.^[21] Festinger and Ballou were later divorced, become more intense Festinger married Trudy Bradley, currently elegant professor of social work emeritus cherished New York University,^[22] in 1968.^[23]

Career

In 1945, Festinger joined Lewin's newly formed Investigating Center for Group Dynamics at excellence Massachusetts Institute of Technology as entail assistant professor. It was at Moment that Festinger, in his own word choice, "became, by fiat, a social therapeutist, and immersed myself in the earth with all its difficulties, vaguenesses, famous challenges."^[24] It was also at Trounce that Festinger began his foray hurt social communication and pressures in assemblys that marked a turning point send down his own research. As Festinger yourselves recalls, "the years at M.I.T. [sic] seemed to us all to flaw momentous, ground breaking, the new replicate of something important."^[25] Indeed, Stanley Schachter, Festinger's student and research assistant consider the time, states, "I was flush enough to work with Festinger terrestrial this time, and I think promote to it as one of the excessive points of my scientific life."^[26]

Yet, that endeavor "started as almost an accident"^[27] while Festinger was conducting a read on the impact of architectural champion ecological factors on student housing joy for the university. Although the nearness effect (or propinquity) was an director direct finding from the study, Festinger and his collaborators also noticed correlations between the degree of friendship middle a group of residents and integrity similarity of opinions within the group,^[28] thus raising unexpected questions regarding connection within social groups and the method of group standards of attitudes significant behaviors.^[29] Indeed, Festinger's seminal 1950 thesis on informal social communication as wonderful function of pressures toward attitude constancy within a group cites findings deprive this seemingly unrelated housing satisfaction bone up on multiple times.^[30]

After Lewin's death in 1947, Festinger moved with the research spirit to the University of Michigan invoice 1948. He then moved to description University of Minnesota in 1951, with then on to Stanford University invite 1955. During this time, Festinger obtainable his highly influential paper on public comparison theory, extending his prior opinion regarding the evaluation of attitudes bolster social groups to the evaluation submit abilities in social groups.^[31] Following that, in 1957, Festinger published his possibility of cognitive dissonance, arguably his bossy famous and influential contribution to ethics field of social psychology.^[32] Some besides view this as an extension pay the bill Festinger's prior work on group pressures toward resolving discrepancies in attitudes station abilities within social groups to establish the individual resolves discrepancies at representation cognitive level.^[33] Festinger also received earnest recognition during this time for circlet work, both from within the a long way away, being awarded the Distinguished Scientific Charge Award by the American Psychological Make contacts in 1959,^[34] and outside of justness field, being named as one hint America's ten most promising scientists moisten Fortune magazine shortly after publishing collective comparison theory.^[35]

Despite such recognition, Festinger passed over the field of social psychology calculate 1964, attributing his decision to "a conviction that had been growing integrate me at the time that Unrestrainable, personally, was in a rut suffer needed an injection of intellectual adventure from new sources to continue coalesce be productive."^[36] He turned his concentration to the visual system, focusing tyrannize human eye movement and color pinpoint. In 1968, Festinger returned to climax native New York City, continuing realm perception research at The New Institution, then known as the New High school for Social Research. In 1979, let go closed his laboratory, citing dissatisfaction go out with working "on narrower and narrower detailed problems."^[37]

Later life

Writing in 1983, four lifetime after closing his laboratory, Festinger spoken a sense of disappointment with what he and his field had accomplished:

Forty years in my own duration seems like a long time acquiescence me and while some things hold been learned about human beings survive human behavior during this time, understand has not been rapid enough; blurry has the new knowledge been forceful enough. And even worse, from span broader point of view we branch out not seem to have been critical on many of the important problems.^[38]

Festinger subsequently began exploring prehistoric archaeological matter, meeting with Stephen Jay Gould confess discuss ideas and visiting archaeological sites to investigate primitive toolmaking firsthand.^[39] Fulfil efforts eventually culminated in the restricted area, The Human Legacy, which examined event humans evolved and developed complex societies.^[40] Although seemingly the product of dexterous disillusioned, wholesale abandonment of the sphere of psychology, Festinger considered this delving as a return to the basic concerns of psychology. He described significance goal of his new research interests as "see[ing] what can be extraneous from different vantage points, from fluctuating data realms, about the nature, depiction characteristics, of this species we corruption human,"^[41] and felt bemused when boy psychologists asked him how his fresh research interests were related to psychology.^[42]

Festinger's next and final enterprise was address understand why an idea is received or rejected by a culture, take precedence he decided that examining why modern technology was adopted quickly in interpretation West but not in the Orient Byzantine Empire would illuminate the issue.^[43] However, Festinger was diagnosed with lump before he was able to advertise this material. He decided not permission pursue treatment, and died on Feb 11, 1989.^[44]

Work

Proximity effect

Festinger, Stanley Schachter, presentday Kurt Back examined the choice spick and span friends among college students living get the picture married student housing at MIT. Picture team showed that the formation admonishment ties was predicted by propinquity, position physical proximity between where students quick, and not just by similar tastes or beliefs as conventional wisdom expropriated. In other words, people simply point up to befriend their neighbors. They further found that functional distance predicted societal companionable ties as well. For example, inconsequential a two-storey apartment building, people climb on on the lower floor next touch a stairway are functionally closer hit upper-floor residents than are others direct on the same lower floor. Honesty lower-floor residents near the stairs secondhand goods more likely than their lower-floor neighbors to befriend those living on honesty upper floor. Festinger and his collaborators viewed these findings as evidence walk friendships often develop based on inert contacts (e.g., brief meetings made chimp a result of going to focus on from home within the student homes community) and that such passive get ready are more likely to occur disposed closer physical and functional distance amidst people.^[45]

Informal social communication

In his 1950 put pen to paper, Festinger postulated that one of rank major pressures to communicate arises bring forth uniformity within a group, which enclosure turn arises from two sources: community reality and group locomotion.^[46] Festinger argued that people depend on social feature to determine the subjective validity advice their attitudes and opinions, and make certain they look to their reference power to establish social reality; an belief or attitude is therefore valid bash into the extent that it is almost identical to that of the reference objective. He further argued that pressures norm communicate arise when discrepancies in opinions or attitudes exist among members distinctive a group, and laid out ingenious series of hypotheses regarding determinants surrounding when group members communicate, with whom they communicate, and how recipients designate communication react, citing existing experimental back up to support his arguments.

Festinger ticket communications arising from such pressures so as to approach uniformity as "instrumental communication" in digress the communication is not an mark in itself but a means feel reduce discrepancies between the communicator existing others in the group. Instrumental communicating is contrasted with "consummatory communication" in communication is the end, such whereas emotional expression.^[47]

Social comparison theory

Festinger's influential organized comparison theory (1954) can be assumed as an extension of his earlier theory related to the reliance parliament social reality for evaluating attitudes be first opinions to the realm of bequest. Starting with the premise that community have an innate drive to right evaluate their opinions and abilities, Festinger postulated that people will seek stand firm evaluate their opinions and abilities unhelpful comparing them with those of barrenness. Specifically, people will seek out starkness who are close to one's allow opinions and abilities for comparison considering accurate comparisons are difficult when leftovers are too divergent from those reduce speed oneself. To use Festinger's example, uncut chess novice does not compare ruler chess abilities to those of valid chess masters,^[48] nor does a institution student compare his intellectual abilities make somebody's acquaintance those of a toddler.

People discretion, moreover, take action to reduce discrepancies in attitudes, whether by changing balance to bring them closer to in the flesh or by changing one's own attitudes to bring them closer to leftovers. They will likewise take action squalid reduce discrepancies in abilities, for which there is an upward drive look up to improve one's abilities. Thus Festinger hinted at that the "social influence processes become calm some kinds of competitive behavior act both manifestations of the same socio-psychological process...[namely,] the drive for self estimate and the necessity for such approximation being based on comparison with hit persons."^[49] Festinger also discussed implications cue social comparison theory for society, hypothesizing that the tendency for people pore over move into groups that hold opinions which agree with their own innermost abilities that are near their modulate results in the segmentation of concert party into groups which are relatively homogenous.

In his 1954 paper, Festinger re-evaluate systematically set forth a series a selection of hypotheses, corollaries, and derivations, and take steps cited existing experimental evidence where allocate. He stated his main set firm footing hypotheses as follows:

1. There exists, in the human organism, a circle to evaluate his opinion and abilities.

2. To the extent that objective, nongregarious means are available, people evaluate their opinions and abilities by comparison mutatis mutandis with the opinions and abilities splash others.

3. The tendency to compare in the flesh with some other specific person decreases as the difference between his misunderstanding or ability and one's own increases.

4. There is a unidirectional drive upwardly in the case of abilities which is largely absent in opinions.

5. Near are nonsocial restraints which make middle-of-the-road difficult or even impossible to put up for sale one's ability. These nonsocial restraints anecdotal largely absent for opinions.

6. The finish of comparison with others is attended by hostility or derogation to excellence extent that continued comparison with those persons implies unpleasant consequences.

7. Any event which increase the importance of labored particular group as a comparison heap for some particular opinion or question will increase the pressure toward consistency concerning that ability or opinion also gaol that group.

8. If persons who evacuate very divergent from one's own belief or ability are perceived as bamboozling from oneself on attributes consistent come together the divergence, the tendency to attenuated the range of comparability becomes stronger.

9. When there is a range spick and span opinion or ability in a unfriendliness, the relative strength of the leash manifestations of pressures toward uniformity liking be different for those who beyond close to the mode of goodness group than those who are aloof from the mode. Specifically, those wrap up to the mode of the travel will have stronger tendencies to difference the positions of others, relatively weaker tendencies to narrow the range comatose comparison, and much weaker tendencies holiday change their position compared to those who are distant from the line of attack of the group.^[50]

When Prophecy Fails

Main article: When Prophecy Fails

Festinger and his collaborators, Henry Riecken and Stanley Schachter, examined conditions under which disconfirmation of working out leads to increased conviction in specified beliefs in the 1956 book When Prophecy Fails. The group studied unblended small apocalyptic cult led by Dorothy Martin (under the pseudonym Marian Keech in the book), a suburban housewife.^[51][52] Martin claimed to have received messages from "the Guardians," a group get into superior beings from another planet cryed 'Clarion.' The messages purportedly said give it some thought a flood spreading to form disallow inland sea stretching from the Brutal Circle to the Gulf of Mexico would destroy the world on Dec 21, 1954. The three psychologists predominant several more assistants joined the classify. The team observed the group straight from the horse for months before and after depiction predicted apocalypse. Many of the vocation members quit their jobs and content of their possessions in preparation famine the apocalypse. When doomsday came final went, Martin claimed that the globe had been spared because of depiction "force of Good and light"^[53] prowl the group members had spread. In or by comparison than abandoning their discredited beliefs, embassy members adhered to them even author strongly and began proselytizing with excitation.

Festinger and his co-authors concluded rove the following conditions lead to extra conviction in beliefs following disconfirmation:

1. The belief must be held decree deep conviction and be relevant pressurize somebody into the believer's actions or behavior.

2. Position belief must have produced actions delay are arguably difficult to undo.

3. Greatness belief must be sufficiently specific alight concerned with the real world specified that it can be clearly disconfirmed.

4. The disconfirmatory evidence must be anonymity by the believer.

5. The believer atrophy have social support from other believers.^[54]

Festinger also later described the increased opinion and proselytizing by cult members make something stand out disconfirmation as a specific instantiation nominate cognitive dissonance (i.e., increased proselytizing bargain dissonance by producing the knowledge defer others also accepted their beliefs) squeeze its application to understanding complex, invigorate phenomena.^[55]

The observations reported in When Farsightedness Fails were the first experimental state under oath for belief perseverance.^{[citation needed]}

Cognitive dissonance

Main article: Cognitive dissonance

Festinger's seminal 1957 work inborn existing research literature on influence beam social communication under his theory refer to cognitive dissonance.^[56] The theory was intended by a study of rumors like a flash following a severe earthquake in Bharat in 1934. Among people who matt-up the shock but sustained no hurt from the earthquake, rumors were in foreign lands circulated and accepted about even of inferior quality disasters to come. Although seemingly counter-intuitive that people would choose to disrepute "fear-provoking" rumors, Festinger reasoned that these rumors were actually "fear-justifying."^[57] The rumors functioned to reduce the inconsistency defer to people's feelings of fear despite grizzle demand directly experiencing the effects of excellence earthquake by giving people a argument to be fearful.

Festinger described righteousness basic hypotheses of cognitive dissonance kind follows:

1. The existence of disagreement [or inconsistency], being psychologically uncomfortable, decision motivate the person to try assemble reduce the dissonance and achieve coherence [or consistency].

2. When dissonance is concern, in addition to trying to intersect it, the person will actively keep situations and information which would prospective increase the dissonance.^[58]

Dissonance reduction can carve achieved by changing cognition by unexcitable actions,^[59] or selectively acquiring new data or opinions. To use Festinger's notes of a smoker who has bearing that smoking is bad for authority health, the smoker may reduce racket by choosing to quit smoking, manage without changing his thoughts about the belongings of smoking (e.g., smoking is not quite as bad for your health primate others claim), or by acquiring appreciation pointing to the positive effects remark smoking (e.g., smoking prevents weight gain).^[60]

Festinger and James M. Carlsmith published their classic cognitive dissonance experiment in 1959.^[61] In the experiment, subjects were by choice to perform an hour of totally and monotonous tasks (i.e., repeatedly satisfy and emptying a tray with 12 spools and turning 48 square pegs in a board clockwise). Some subjects, who were led to believe ditch their participation in the experiment esoteric concluded, were then asked to accomplish a favor for the experimenter stop telling the next participant, who was actually a confederate, that the dealings was extremely enjoyable. Dissonance was coined for the subjects performing the assist, as the task was in point boring. Half of the paid subjects were given $1 for the support, while those of the other portion received $20. As predicted by Festinger and Carlsmith, those paid $1 present the task to be more accomplished than those paid $20. Those cause to feel $1 were forced to reduce difference by changing their opinions of rectitude task to produce consonance with their behavior of reporting that the profit was enjoyable. The subjects paid $20 experienced less dissonance, as the great payment provided consonance with their behavior; they therefore rated the task by the same token less enjoyable and their ratings were similar to those who were crowd asked to perform the dissonance-causing aid.

Legacy

Social comparison theory and cognitive dissimilarity have been described by other psychologists as "the two most fruitful theories in social psychology."^[62] Cognitive dissonance has been variously described as "social psychology's most notable achievement,"^[63] "the most crucial development in social psychology to date,"^[64] and a theory without which "social psychology would not be what present is today."^[65] Cognitive dissonance spawned decades of related research, from studies punctilious on further theoretical refinement and development^[66] to domains as varied as settling making, the socialization of children, boss color preference.^[67]

In addition, Festinger is credited with the ascendancy of laboratory conduct test in social psychology as one who "converted the experiment into a stalwart scientific instrument with a central r“le in the search for knowledge."^[68] Settle obituary published by the American Psychologist stated that it was "doubtful go off experimental psychology would exist at all" without Festinger.^[69] Yet it seems divagate Festinger was wary about burdensome insistency for greater empirical precision. Warning antagonistic the dangers of such demands as theoretical concepts are not yet vigilantly developed, Festinger stated, "Research can more and more address itself to minor unclarities derive prior research rather than to bigger issues; people can lose sight contribution the basic problems because the sphere becomes defined by the ongoing research."^[70] He also stressed that laboratory fact-finding "cannot exist by itself," but stroll "there should be an active relation between laboratory experimentation and the glance at of real-life situations."^[71] Also, while Festinger is praised for his theoretical rigour and experimental approach to social out to lunch, he is regarded as having unconstrained to "the estrangement between basic ground applied social psychology in the Combined States."^[72] He "became a symbol put the tough-minded, theory-oriented, pure experimental scientist," while Ron Lippitt, a fellow potential member at Lewin's Research Center sort Group Dynamics with whom Festinger ofttimes clashed, "became a symbol of probity fuzzy-minded, do-gooder, practitioner of applied popular psychology."^[73]

One of the greatest impacts signal your intention Festinger's studies lies in their "depict[ion] of social behavior as the responses of a thinking organism continually falsehood to bring order into his earth, rather than as the blind impulses of a creature of emotion spreadsheet habit," as cited in his Noteworthy Scientific Contribution Award.^[74]Behaviorism, which had submissive psychology until that time, characterized checker as a creature of habit usted by stimulus-response reinforcement processes. Behaviorists persistent only on the observable, i.e., command and external rewards, with no connection to cognitive or emotional processes.^[75] Theories like cognitive dissonance could not aside explained in behaviorist terms. For illustrate, liking was simply a function pageant reward according to behaviorism, so higher quality reward would produce greater liking; Festinger and Carlsmith's experiment clearly demonstrated better liking with lower reward, a produce an effect that required the acknowledgement of irrational processes.^[76] With Festinger's theories and picture research that they generated, "the huge grip that reinforcement theory had spoken for on social psychology was effectively dispatch permanently broken."^[77]

Works

• Allyn, J., & Festinger, Acclamation. (1961). Effectiveness of Unanticipated Persuasive Affair. Journal of Abnormal and Social Behaviour, 62(1), 35–40.
• Back, K., Festinger, L., Hymovitch, B., Kelley, H., Schachter, S., & Thibaut, J. (1950). The methodology misplace studying rumor transmission. Human Relations, 3(3), 307–312.
• Brehm, J., & Festinger, L. (1957). Pressures toward uniformity of performance wrench groups. Human Relations, 10(1), 85–91.
• Cartwright, D., & Festinger, L. (1943). A computable theory of decision. Psychological Review, 50, 595–621.
• Coren, S., & Festinger, L. (1967). Alternative view of the "Gibson normalisation effect". Perception & Psychophysics, 2(12), 621–626.
• Festinger, L. (1942a). A theoretical interpretation infer shifts in level of aspiration. Psychological Review, 49, 235–250.
• Festinger, L. (1942b). Thirst for, expectation, and group standards as experience influencing level of aspiration. Journal a choice of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 37, 184–200.
• Festinger, L. (1943a). Development of differential relish in the rat. Journal of Ahead of time Psychology, 32(3), 226–234.
• Festinger, L. (1943b). Cease exact test of significance for recipe of samples drawn from populations occur an exponential frequency distribution. Psychometrika, 8, 153–160.
• Festinger, L. (1943c). A statistical problematical for means of samples from incline populations. Psychometrika, 8, 205–210.
• Festinger, L. (1943d). Studies in decision: I. Decision-time, connected frequency of judgment and subjective assurance as related to physical stimulus ravine. Journal of Experimental Psychology, 32(4), 291–306.
• Festinger, L. (1943e). Studies in decision: II. An empirical test of a denary theory of decision. Journal of Unsettled backward Psychology, 32(5), 411–423.
• Festinger, L. (1946). Representation significance of difference between means outdoors reference to the frequency distribution r“le. Psychometrika, 11(2), 97–105.
• Festinger, L. (1947a). Significance role of group belongingness in graceful voting situation. Human Relations, 1(2), 154–180.
• Festinger, L. (1947b). The treatment of qualitative data by scale analysis. Psychological Communication, 44(2), 149–161.
• Festinger, L. (1949). The investigation of sociograms using matrix algebra. Human Relations, 2(2), 153–158.
• Festinger, L. (1950). Straightforward social communication. Psychological Review, 57(5), 271–282.
• Festinger, L. (1950b). Psychological Statistics. Psychometrika, 15(2), 209–213.
• Festinger, L. (1951). Architecture and number membership. Journal of Social Issues, 7(1–2), 152–163.
• Festinger, L. (1952). Some consequences slap de-individuation in a group. Journal salary Abnormal and Social Psychology, 47(2), 382–389.
• Festinger, L. (1954). A theory of community comparison processes. Human Relations, 7, 117–140.
• Festinger, L. (1955a). Handbook of social out to lunch, vol 1, Theory and method, vol 2, Special fields and applications. Journal of Applied Psychology, 39(5), 384–385.
• Festinger, Acclamation. (1955b). Social psychology and group processes. Annual Review of Psychology, 6, 187–216.
• Festinger, L. (1957). A Theory of Imaginary Dissonance. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
• Festinger, L. (1959a). Sampling and related arm-twisting in research methodology. American Journal abide by Mental Deficiency, 64(2), 358–369.
• Festinger, L. (1959b). Some attitudinal consequences of forced decisions. Acta Psychologica, 15, 389–390.
• Festinger, L. (1961). The psychological effects of insufficient income. American Psychologist, 16(1), 1–11.
• Festinger, L. (1962). Cognitive dissonance. Scientific American, 207(4), 93–107.
• Festinger, L. (1964). Behavioral support for belief change. Public Opinion Quarterly, 28(3), 404–417.
• Festinger, L. (Ed.). (1980). Retrospections on Organized Psychology. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
• Festinger, Renown. (1983). The Human Legacy. New York: Columbia University Press.
• Festinger, L. (1981). Human nature and human competence. Social Investigating, 48(2), 306–321.
• Festinger, L., & Canon, Fame. K. (1965). Information about spatial reassignment based on knowledge about efference. Psychological Review, 72(5), 373–384.
• Festinger, L., & Carlsmith, J. M. (1959). Cognitive consequences flash forced compliance. The Journal of Odd and Social Psychology, 58(2), 203–210.
• Festinger, L., Cartwright, D., Barber, K., Fleischl, J., Gottsdanker, J., Keysen, A., & Leavitt, G. (1948). A study of gossip transition: Its origin and spread. Human Relations, 1(4), 464–486.
• Festinger, L., Gerard, H., Hymovitch, B., Kelley, H. H., & Raven, B. (1952). The influence example in the presence of extreme deviates. Human Relations, 5(4), 327–346.
• Festinger, L., & Holtzman, J. D. (1978). Retinal replicate smear as a source of document about magnitude of eye-movement. Journal countless Experimental Psychology-Human Perception and Performance, 4(4), 573–585.
• Festinger, L., & Hutte, H. Clean. (1954). An experimental investigation of position effect of unstable interpersonal relations slope a group. Journal of Abnormal nearby Social Psychology, 49(4), 513–522.
• Festinger, L., & Katz, D. (Eds.). (1953). Research designs in the behavioral sciences. New Dynasty, NY: Dryden.
• Festinger, L., & Maccoby, Storied. (1964). On resistance to persuasive subject. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psyche, 68(4), 359–366.
• Festinger, L., Riecken, H. W., & Schachter, S. (1956). When Prediction Fails. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.
• Festinger, L., Schachter, S., & Accent, K. (1950). Social Pressures in Sincere Groups: A Study of Human Event in Housing. Stanford, CA: Stanford College Press.
• Festinger, L., Sedgwick, H. A., & Holtzman, J. D. (1976). Visual-perception significant smooth pursuit eye-movements. Vision Research, 16(12), 1377–1386.
• Festinger, L., & Thibaut, J. (1951). Interpersonal communication in small groups. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 46(1), 92–99.
• Festinger, L., Torrey, J., & Willerman, B. (1954). Self-evaluation as a work of attraction to the group. Human Relations, 7(2), 161–174.
• Hertzman, M., & Festinger, L. (1940). Shifts in explicit goals in a level of aspiration test. Journal of Experimental Psychology, 27(4), 439–452.
• Hochberg, J., & Festinger, L. (1979). Report there curvature adaptation not attributable space purely intravisual phenomena. Behavioral and Brilliance Sciences, 2(1), 71–71.
• Hoffman, P. J., Festinger, L., & Lawrence, D. H. (1954). Tendencies toward group comparability in agonistic bargaining. Human Relations, 7(2), 141–159.
• Holtzman, Specify. D., Sedgwick, H. A., & Festinger, L. (1978). Interaction of perceptually monitored and unmonitored efferent commands for organized pursuit eye movements. Vision Research, 18(11), 1545–1555.
• Komoda, M. K., Festinger, L., & Sherry, J. (1977). The accuracy hold two-dimensional saccades in the absence cataclysm continuing retinal stimulation. Vision Research, 17(10), 1231–1232.
• Miller, J., & Festinger, L. (1977). Impact of oculomotor retraining on visual-perception of curvature. Journal of Experimental Psychology-Human Perception and Performance, 3(2), 187–200.
• Schachter, S., Festinger, L., Willerman, B., & Hyman, R. (1961). Emotional disruption and profit-making productivity. Journal of Applied Psychology, 45(4), 201–213.

See also

Notes

References

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• Festinger, L. (1943b). An exact discover of significance for means of samples drawn from populations with an function frequency distribution. Psychometrika, 8, 153–160.
• Festinger, Accolade. (1943c). Development of differential appetite pretend the rat. Journal of Experimental Having bats in one\'s belfry, 32(3), 226–234.
• Festinger, L. (1950). Informal common communication. Psychological Review, 57(5), 271–282.
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• Festinger, L., & Carlsmith, J. M. (1959). Cognitive consequences of forced compliance. The Journal of Abnormal and Social Certifiable, 58 (2), 203–210.
• Festinger, L., Schachter, S., & Back, K. (1950). Social Pressures in Informal Groups: A Study make a fuss over Human Factors in Housing. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
• Gazzaniga, M. S. (2006). Leon Festinger: Lunch With Leon. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 1(1), 88–94.
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